Eye On Illinois: Allowing officials to concentrate power invites abuse

What can we learn from Ed Burke?

This column focuses on state government and not specifically Chicago City Hall, but the ongoing federal corruption trial of a man who spent more than half a century as an alderman does offer big picture lessons.

The most obvious insight is seeing how the FBI operated here, secretly recording more than 100 meetings and somewhat stunningly leveraging Daniel Solis, another former alderman in hot water, to land bigger fish. That alone should serve as a blinking caution light to any public official seeking to skirt the law. (But here’s betting we haven’t seen the last corruption trial.)

A more important takeaway involves looking at the government’s accusations against Burke and working backwards.

Burke faces racketeering allegations, including using his power within City Hall to drive business to his private law firm. Often this involved developers who needed approval for projects big and small – from redoing the Old Post Office to a new Binny’s Beverage Depot sign – but there also are petty allegations, like the testimony of a Field Museum official who said Burke threatened to block an admission fee increase request because the daughter of another council member lost out on an internship.

The common thread here is money, but more importantly power. While we apparently have been unable to disentangle the complicated webs of elected officials and their private business interests, the larger truth is that when the rules of our public bodies concentrate authority in the hands of a few select positions, the eventual abuse of that power is almost inevitable.

In this way, Burke’s trial has similarities to the ongoing proceedings involving disgraced former House Speaker Michael Madigan. Long mainstays of Chicago Democratic politics, the allegations facing both paint pictures of men who could almost singlehandedly approve or deny so many important matters that the only way to get anything done – even things with broad public benefit – was to play ball on their terms.

Illinois doesn’t confer too much individual power on its governor, but as soon as Rod Blagojevich had the chance to unilaterally appoint a U.S. Senate replacement for then President-elect Barack Obama, he began seeking the highest bidder.

The antidote here isn’t just more prosecutions, but leveling the government playing field to spread power amongst rank-and-file members. Committees need formal leaders (Burke controlled the City Finance Committee), but those leaders cannot be allowed to have de facto control over every decision.

We’re pretty clearly in “easier said than done” territory here, especially since the elected officials tend to write their own rules. If another person of any political persuasion is allowed – arguably encouraged – to amass Burke- or Madigan-style authority, abuse of that power is almost inevitable.

• Scott T. Holland writes about state government issues for Shaw Media. Follow him on Twitter @sth749. He can be reached at sholland@shawmedia.com.